Let’s take a brief look at the cost benefit analysis for the two things he coulda done:
a) Fight the ROS decision to the bitter end
Should Anwar have decided to challenge the ROS decision in courts, we could have expected a galvanisation of the hardcore party streetfighters. The fighting spirit it would have engendered would have electrified some of the party’s most loyal supporters and re-inspired much of the spirit that imbued the first Reformasi days.
Some say that the embers within the party faithful that were born in street struggles have been fading; that the battles that once rallied excitement and fire have been in short supply. A decision to be defiant in the face of injustice and refuse to acknowledge Anwar’s controversy-ridden conviction would have clearly reversed this trend and provided a massive shot in the arm. It would have been Reformasi all over again, consequences be damned.
There was no consensus on just how bad those consequences may be. Some felt that if Umno could be deregistered and reregistered in 1988, what was the big problem with recreating KeADILan in some new form?
It was also recalled however, the government effectively had every power to deregister the party and announce general elections on the very same day. The prospects for KeADILan in such a situation would have been disastrous. The choices facing the party would have been to contest as independents, under DAP or PAS, or not at all. Probably wouldn’t have boded well for the party.
b) Bide his time
In choosing his battles, Anwar has decided against encouraging the further ire of people who feel that instead of the government of the future, KeADILan is but a reckless protest party that thrives on public disturbance. This is perhaps the most significant consideration and implication of the decision; it demonstrates a deep dedication to fighting for the middle ground in Malaysian politics by putting the views and concerns of centrist, law abiding Malaysian citizens at the forefront of the decision making progress.
There is much sympathy, and rightfully so, to the view that in the fine tradition of Gandhi and Martin Luther King, unjust laws are not to be submitted to, but instead resisted peacefully and fought to the bitter end.
The only question is whether the bar on Anwar constitutes a crisis on the scale of institutionalised racism or colonialism. Both of the latter examples constitute injustices that threatened to run forever, whereas Anwar’s ban has a clear timestamp on it – after which no legal recourse can prevent Anwar and KeADILan from doing whatever they want politically.
How long is eleven months in the life of a party’s struggle? After more than six years in prison, Anwar appears to have shown his dedication to die for a cause; his decision to forego the presidency until the right time seems to be his dedication to live for one. Lose the battle to win the war, one might say.
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Anyway, all has been said and done, and for machais like me, it’s mostly a matter of making the best of whatever’s been decided. I guess we’ll also keep a watchful eye on whatever fallout there might be.
Lim Guan Eng wasn’t too happy with some of Azmin’s statements regarding not using an ethnic model for seat allocation (tho….. since DAP is a multi-ethnic party, why worry about this issue?..)
Just playin’ yo :) I’m sure leaders from both parties will sort everything out to some acceptable level of hunky doriness :)
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As for me, I’m not trying very hard to ensure that the party’s mechanisms post-congress are greatly improved. Very time/mind-consuming, so I’ll prob be writing only little bits here and there. Thanks for your patience, and all the best for the Lina Joy case!
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Malaysian Politics
Tags: Malaysian Politics by Nathaniel Tan
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